St. Joseph County officials reported unauthorized access to an external fax service used by the county. The fax service is separate from internal systems, and there is currently no evidence of impact on county operations. Investigations are ongoing, with updates to be provided as new information arises.
South Bend Common Council members Oliver Davis and Sherry Bolden-Simpson have urged Indiana Governor Mike Braun to temporarily suspend the state gasoline tax due to rising fuel costs. They highlight that current local prices average $3.80 per gallon, straining residents financially. The council suggests the suspension until prices stabilize.
On March 23, 2026, Proteus, Inc. held the Indiana Farmworker Recognition Breakfast in South Bend, honoring farmworkers and raising funds for their support services. Mayor James Mueller and State Rep. Maureen Bauer acknowledged National Farmworker Awareness Week. Keynote speaker José Padilla emphasized farmwork's significance, while awards recognized outstanding contributions and provided educational support.
Dan Schaetzle, a St. Joseph County councilman and Penn High School teacher, prioritizes community improvement over politics. He aims to secure funding for projects like Anderson Road Park while addressing concerns like leaf pickup and snow plowing. Schaetzle promotes civic engagement among youth and emphasizes maintaining efficient government as a Republican.
Diego Morales, Indiana's Secretary of State, is campaigning for re-election in 2026, emphasizing his commitment to election integrity and security. He highlights his achievements, including stronger voter ID laws and procedural audits. Morales aims to unite Republicans and ensure accurate elections, reflecting pride in his immigration journey and dedication to Hoosiers.
Sandra Ort, a Republican Trustee of Greene Township since 1983, has announced her retirement, effective May 31, 2025. Her impactful legacy includes improving fire protection, advancing education by transferring to the John Glenn School Corporation, and prioritizing food accessibility. Ort’s dedication and community support will be remembered as she steps aside for a younger successor.
Doris Portolese, a Penn Township Trustee since 2015, is recognized for her fiscal responsibility and community-focused leadership. She has saved the township significant funds, negotiated key infrastructure developments, and supported vulnerable residents through partnerships like the Mishawaka Food Pantry. Portolese remains committed to enhancing the quality of life in her community.
Township Trustees play a crucial yet often underappreciated role in local government, overseeing services like emergency relief, fire and EMS, and cemetery management. Olive Township Trustee Will Miller emphasizes the importance of his position in assisting residents during crises and balancing community needs with industrial development, advocating for responsible growth.
St. Joseph County officials reported unauthorized access to an external fax service used by the county. The fax service is separate from internal systems, and there is currently no evidence of impact on county operations. Investigations are ongoing, with updates to be provided as new information arises.
South Bend Common Council members Oliver Davis and Sherry Bolden-Simpson have urged Indiana Governor Mike Braun to temporarily suspend the state gasoline tax due to rising fuel costs. They highlight that current local prices average $3.80 per gallon, straining residents financially. The council suggests the suspension until prices stabilize.
On March 23, 2026, Proteus, Inc. held the Indiana Farmworker Recognition Breakfast in South Bend, honoring farmworkers and raising funds for their support services. Mayor James Mueller and State Rep. Maureen Bauer acknowledged National Farmworker Awareness Week. Keynote speaker José Padilla emphasized farmwork's significance, while awards recognized outstanding contributions and provided educational support.
Dan Schaetzle, a St. Joseph County councilman and Penn High School teacher, prioritizes community improvement over politics. He aims to secure funding for projects like Anderson Road Park while addressing concerns like leaf pickup and snow plowing. Schaetzle promotes civic engagement among youth and emphasizes maintaining efficient government as a Republican.
Diego Morales, Indiana's Secretary of State, is campaigning for re-election in 2026, emphasizing his commitment to election integrity and security. He highlights his achievements, including stronger voter ID laws and procedural audits. Morales aims to unite Republicans and ensure accurate elections, reflecting pride in his immigration journey and dedication to Hoosiers.
Sandra Ort, a Republican Trustee of Greene Township since 1983, has announced her retirement, effective May 31, 2025. Her impactful legacy includes improving fire protection, advancing education by transferring to the John Glenn School Corporation, and prioritizing food accessibility. Ort’s dedication and community support will be remembered as she steps aside for a younger successor.
Doris Portolese, a Penn Township Trustee since 2015, is recognized for her fiscal responsibility and community-focused leadership. She has saved the township significant funds, negotiated key infrastructure developments, and supported vulnerable residents through partnerships like the Mishawaka Food Pantry. Portolese remains committed to enhancing the quality of life in her community.
Township Trustees play a crucial yet often underappreciated role in local government, overseeing services like emergency relief, fire and EMS, and cemetery management. Olive Township Trustee Will Miller emphasizes the importance of his position in assisting residents during crises and balancing community needs with industrial development, advocating for responsible growth.
My State Senator, Democrat, David Niezgodski, recently showcased a very new upbeat writing style.
On June 11, 2026 Niezgodski published a Guest Column piece in the South Bend Tribune, “Look at what we’re building together.” While the piece originally appeared in the South Bend Tribune, you can read it for free here (unless he and his team take it down since it does not seem that they have permission to republish something from the Tribune, which would normally be something to note, but not in every case).
As someone who studied how people write, it’s been a hobby for me to try to note the author of a piece from the writing itself. Sometimes, the language of an era gives away who the author might be in certain circumstances. In other instances, there are rhythmic tells that come through in punctuation, as is the case with the use of the semicolon in the writings of Thomas Jefferson and the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.; however, cadence does not always tell the whole story, as some authors change tone for particular circumstances. As was often the case for authors who had to write under assumed names for fear of reprisal and/or because of race and gender issues at particular moments in history, they also worked to hide some of their personal writing habits to further obfuscate their identities. It is not unusual for people to get better at writing over time. It is also fairly common for writers to pick up stylistic changes, pithy phrasing, and more from things they’re reading. For politicians, it is unusual for tone and style to shift dramatically and suddenly unless they get new staffers who help with their writing and editing, or there is another dramatic shift.
Some of those dramatic shifts changed writing, such as spell-check, synonym finder, and some of the grammar software. As those new technologies rolled into mainstream society, teachers easily spotted papers that utilized those enhancements, as the strong educator came to know their students’ writing and the interventions they and their students worked on to improve it. Detecting AI will be equally easy for teachers with many writing assignments that are authentic assessments conducted live and in person without technological assistance. Those educators who don’t have opportunities to regularly read their assignments, short and long, may be at a disadvantage.
While working with high school students last year at one of the ‘top’ programs in our region, I encountered a student who was a gifted writer (and whose parent also writes well) and was seeking admission to an elite Catholic institution. Due to time constraints and life pressures, the student tried to pass something by me that was clearly AI-generated. In talking with other teachers, I learned that this student had done the same in their junior year. I attempted to work with the student to find a way around the issue, but other complicating factors emerged along the way, and I’m not sure the appropriate lesson came through from me, the school corporation, or the college admissions process. This was not the only incident of AI use I caught and worked to remediate, and I was better at this than others because I constantly read and gave feedback to the students, thus quickly coming to know their writing.
The high school students I taught 30 years ago would tell you that I was good at detecting when their writing was not their own. My college students would tell you the same, although there I more often detected life problems in changes in their writing, research, or tone. This is something that those who read others’ works can often discern.
I care about process, and I also believe people can and do change.
I know people who turn their lives around by stopping a habit that was not helpful to them. I know people who get better by changing elements of their lives or breaking free of the bounds of addiction. I’ve seen people repent for real, find the Church, and transform their lives. I firmly believe that with a growth mindset, people can learn new things and improve. That said, it usually is a process.
I hope that something dramatic has shifted in the life of our State Senator David Niezgodski, or that he has enrolled in one of our state’s underfunded writing programs. I hope that he, like so many cheaters in the world, has not taken the easy path and allowed AI to speak for him without attributing that in his recent piece. It would be a bad example for school kids and others if he pawned off a piece of his writing as his own, instead of just saying AI was heavily used to write it and that he fully endorses the final product or something of that sort.
People who take shortcuts or cheat in life, marriage, or on the career ladder can change. However, it is so rare that when it happens, we often tell their story in novels, on television, and in film. Usually, cheaters don’t believe in processes, believe they are smarter than everyone else, and deflect responsibility through threats, intimidation, name-calling, and bullying.
If our politicians are using AI to speak to us, we should know it. If they’re using AI to draft legislation or do their research, we should know that too. And, if they think they can just pass AI off to the rest of us, we should not expect anything different from our students in high school and college.
The singularity is not yet upon us. Until it is, work to do your own thinking, crafting, and writing.
With Father’s Day approaching (6/21/26), I can proudly say that my dad is handy!
When we were kids, Dad constantly fixed everything, and on occasion, he brought discarded machines from work that, when repaired, became ours. The crown jewel was a garage “drink machine” always stocked with our favorite drinks. Truly, we lived in the best of times and seemed like princes of summer to our friends on the hottest of days.
Today, that mystical machine lives with our brother’s family, and serves a second generation of preteens. He recently shattered the childhood magic by revealing its deepest secret: the machine’s “special powers” require a man to manually restock it—and he, like our father before him, is that man. Honestly, I should have suspected something when the machine suddenly started carrying malt, hops, and barley-based beverages after my 21st birthday. Turns out my brother is just following in Dad’s footsteps as a great father by refilling that machine (and also, like, Pops, doing so much more).
While my brothers inherited Dad’s handy genes, I wasn’t so lucky. My established role in family projects is “pack mule”—unskilled manual labor. And I was comfortable with that. When our kids were young, we had more money than time, and I just called a professional whenever a crisis hit.
Now, I have less money, more time, and AI in my pocket. So, when heavy rains struck and the sump pump failed, I actually took on the project myself. If you’re impressed that I know technical terms like “piggyback tethered float,” don’t be. I just took a picture of the problem, and AI did the heavy lifting. It diagnosed an ungrounded outlet, told me how to bypass the mechanism to drain the basement without manually cleaning up water, suggested an upgraded replacement part, and even told me how to install a water alarm to avert future soggy disasters.
Without AI, I would’ve immediately called Burns Plumbing (574-674-4200), who always do an outstanding job. I would have gladly paid Old Man Burns (Sean) and his incredibly patient son, Spencer, to solve it. But AI gave me the confidence to fix it myself. Don’t get me wrong, I’ll need Burns again, but not this time. This time, I took a few minutes’ worth of vacation money out of their pockets; my use of AI likely cost them money, and that is worth noting as we think about the shifting AI economy for better and for worse.
You can bet that my braggadocious tone will ring out in front of my siblings as I share my triumphs and my handyman vocabulary with our dad this Father’s Day. You can also bet that he and my siblings will cautiously remind me about the trades as we discuss the use and future of AI.
In 2022, Indiana Republicans gathered at their state convention and made Diego Morales their nominee for Secretary of State, the 63rd person to hold the office. The delegates picked him even though he was not the party leadership’s preferred candidate. That November he won the seat outright. Now he is the incumbent, running for a second term. An incumbent in his own party usually gets the benefit of the doubt.
This time the party is not granting that benefit of the doubt. Four years after the delegates put him in the office over the party establishment’s objection, that same party establishment wants the office back, and it is asking the same delegates to take it away.
U.S. Sen. Jim Banks had endorsed Morales. This spring Banks withdrew his endorsement. Attorney General Todd Rokita withdrew his too and asked Morales to suspend the campaign. State Treasurer Daniel Elliott did not stop at suspension. He called for Morales to resign on the spot and said the secretary “no longer reflects our values and is a weight on our ticket.” The three of them threw their support behind Max Engling, an aide in Banks’s own Senate office who filed to run the day before the filing deadline. The party establishment fell in line to support their new candidate.
Whatever case there is to make against Morales, it is the delegates who get to weigh it. It has always been the delegates’ call.
The party establishment keeps forgetting how the Indiana convention actually works. On June 20, somewhere near 1,800 Republicans will gather in Fort Wayne and choose the nominee. Senator Banks can work the room all day. So can a county precinctman nobody outside his precinct has heard of. When the voting starts, the senator holds no more power than the unknown precinctman. The arrangement exists so the party’s direction is set by the people who show up, not by the people who “outrank” them.
The delegates chose Morales once already. They did it in 2022, when the establishment backed Holli Sullivan, the appointed incumbent and Gov. Eric Holcomb’s pick. The delegates looked at her, looked at Morales, and picked Morales. Morales went on to beat Democrat Destiny Wells that November and became the first Latino elected to statewide office in Indiana. So the same party establishment is now asking the delegates to throw out the man they elected.
If this were the first time the party establishment had misjudged that room, I might call it a misread. But it is not the first time.
In 2024, Gov. Mike Braun picked Julie McGuire to run with him for lieutenant governor. The convention almost always rubber-stamps the running mate. President Trump put his thumb on the scale just two days before with what he called a “Complete and Total Endorsement” of McGuire, which is roughly the heaviest thing a Republican can drop on a state convention. The delegates picked Micah Beckwith instead, 891 to 828. A governor and the president on one side, and the delegates still proved their independence.
The faces giving the orders change from year to year. A governor, a president, now a senator and an attorney general and a treasurer. For the most part, the delegates stay who they are, and what they keep doing is ignoring all of the noise and then voting with their own minds.
A party that elects a man, watches him win statewide, and then sends its senators out to run him off the next ballot is telling its own volunteers that their vote was conditional, good only until the party establishment changed its mind.
If I were a delegate who cast a ballot for Morales in 2022, I would want to know what that vote was worth, and I would not much like the answer the party establishment is offering.
Party leadership never wanted Diego Morales in this office. The delegates put him there anyway. Two years later, they rejected leadership again in the lieutenant governor’s race. Now the party establishment is back to ask them to undo the first decision. They have refused that kind of demand before. On June 20, the leadership is betting they have forgotten how.
ARGOS, IN — The ground trembled as the unmistakable “TWEEET-TWEEEET” of a true American icon echoed across Marshall County as Union Pacific’s Big Boy 4014, the world’s largest operating steam locomotive, rolled into Argos for a brief stop. Standing at an immense 132 feet long and weighing more than 1.2 million pounds, the mechanical marvel drew thousands of onlookers who lined the tracks for a glimpse of living history.
The engine’s historic visit, replete with historic cars in tow, was part of a monumental coast-to-coast tour celebrating the United States semisquincentennial—the 250th anniversary of the nation’s founding.
Across the landscape, the spirit of community was on full display. On properties both large and small, residents proudly placed American flags along their property lines. Traffic backed up for miles along country roads as diverse crowds gathered. Amish families arrived by horse and buggy, local farmers drove in on tractors, and others arrived on bicycles and motorcycles. Vans filled with elderly citizens parked alongside groups of excited young people, all eager to witness the mighty engine roaring into this short whistle-stop.
As people walked along the gravel shoulders of the country roads toward the tracks, an impromptu festival of storytelling broke out. Neighbors and strangers alike visited warmly, sharing personal memories of rail travel, swapping family histories, and recalling the distinct sights and sounds of iconic trains from the past. Conversations drifted to historic whistle-stops by presidential candidates, legendary celebrity sightings, and even a fond recollection of the Ripley’s Believe It or Not train stop in nearby Niles, Michigan, during the late 1970s or early 1980s—a spectacle I vividly remember witnessing alongside Sam Corl and my grandma Elsie.
When the behemoth locomotive concluded its brief stop to head onward toward Fort Wayne, various towns in Ohio, and ultimately its celebratory destination in Philadelphia, the crowds lingered, reluctant to leave. The air remained thick with reminiscence. Flying both the United States and Indiana flags proudly from its massive frame, the engine was given a spectacular send-off as thousands of spectators shouted, applauded, and cheered the lumbering beast as it forged eastward along the rails.
In a world fractured by modern divisions, the sight of this historic titan provided a rare, unifying moment for people of every background and political stripe. Standing together in shared wonder, the crowd did more than just watch a train pass; they paid homage to a definitive masterpiece of American engineering. Forged by the grit, sweat, and labor of workers from Schenectady, New York, this World War II-era relic proved that the iron tracks of our history still possess the unique power to tie us together.
If you want to catch Big Boy 4014 headed back west, you’ll have the opportunity to see it at a brief whistle stop in Knox, Indiana, on Thursday, July 16, 2026. The train visit is currently planned for 12:30 PM Central Time (note CENTRAL TIME, so 1:30 PM South Bend time), but you should check the schedule closer to the date as changes do occur.
After it wraps up the stop in Knox, the train will continue heading southwest toward Illinois and its next major public exhibition layout in St. Louis a few days later. It’s bound to draw another massive crowd, so plan for some early road closures if you are aiming to catch the return leg
Aerial photography provided with permission by 4 Fans Aerial Photography Aerial photography provided with permission by 4 Fans Aerial Photography
This piece was written with the help of Generative AI. While real in-person reporting is most prominent, AI was utilized to gather specs, edit, and format some parts of this piece.
Reprinted with permission of the author by Redress South Bend.
All opinions, research, and views in this piece are attributed to the author and are not necessarily the thoughts or opinions of Redress South Bend.
There is a straight, clear line running from a Penn High School student reporter using a racial slur during a live broadcast of a Riley High School basketball game to our community’s fifteen-year failure to disclose the South Bend Police Department tapes.
That same dark line can be tied directly to the Democratic nominee for St. Joseph County Sheriff, Scott Ruszkowski, in his role as South Bend Police chief, characterizing officer, Samuel Chaput, violently pinning a young girl to the ground at a downtown McDonald’s as “minimal force.” An onlooker’s video clearly showed no attempt to de-escalate, yet the Police Review Board offered a non-decision, and police spokesperson Ashley O’Chapp openly complained about the “unpaid time” it took to provide public answers, absolutely misunderstanding her salaried position. The lack of police civic compassion was palpable. The stance was purely defensive, confusing “Serve and Protect” with protecting police jobs and political aspirations rather than the citizens of our community.
The line traces directly to the 2019 police shooting of Eric Logan, a Black man, by a white officer whose body camera was not operating. Shielded by qualified immunity, the officer was cleared by a special prosecutor, and the family’s wrongful death lawsuit was ultimately dismissed by a federal judge in 2021. Today, that line runs through our school districts’ discipline statistics, where the hollow process of “further study” is once again underway in South Bend.
Watch the line meander backward to September 20, 1968, and the mass walkout at Washington High School, organized by the Student Organization for Unity and Leadership (S.O.U.L.) over the lack of Black student representation. Their protest became a textbook case study in de facto segregation—schools that integrated physically, but not in the systemic ways that actually mattered to families and their educational futures.
You can see it as a yellow line. Decades after Indiana outlawed school segregation in the 1940s and the Supreme Court ordered desegregation with “all deliberate speed,” South Bend had to be sued into compliance. A 1980 federal lawsuit explicitly charged the city with purposefully maintaining a segregated system. To avoid litigation, South Bend implemented a busing program that forced Black students into significantly longer commutes. Those same yellow lines fueled “white flight,” driving the rapid growth of surrounding suburban townships away from integrating schools.
Follow the line further back to Black residents paying taxes for public facilities they were legally barred from using, like the Engman Public Natatorium in the 1920s and 30s. Make the line bright orange to show public parks and schoolyards stripped of basketball courts in predominantly Black neighborhoods, or bright green to trace the historical lack of park upgrades, sidewalks, curbs, and canopy trees in those same areas.
This historical throughline is mapped with devastating clarity in the March 4, 2026, report from the city’s Reparations Committee, available here. Despite recent pushback from at least one city official attempting to restrict copies of the document, the report lays bare a well-researched history of localized oppression. These lines must be preserved if we ever hope for change.
Instead, these police tapes continue to draw battle lines. They previously halted Pete Buttigieg’s presidential campaign, forcing him to return home to confront long-standing racialized violence in our community. Today, those very tapes face total destruction by order of the St. Joseph County Court.
As a community, we must draw a line in the sand and not stand for the destruction of these tapes. Our Common Council, local historical associations, and national truth and reconciliation groups must use every legal and creative mechanism available to preserve these recordings. Whether by passing local preservation ordinances, reading the transcripts into the public record during council sessions, or drafting a preservation law to release the tapes on a particular date, we must work within the law to ensure the community is not locked out of the conversation.
It is vital that these tapes survive. We must hear what was said so we know what needs to be apologized for, what retraining is required, and what justice we must continue to demand. We must learn where we are as a community so that we can grow, heal, and ultimately transcend.
Sojourner Truth reportedly said, “I cannot read, but I can hear.” We need the chance to hear these tapes to understand how deep the wounds in our community run, and exactly who has worked to hide them. Like the broadcasted slurs of a high school student, these tapes diagnose the systemic disease that continues to divide us. We can trace these lines to fix the problem or look away while the courts permanently bury a monument to systemic injustice.
Before we can draw new, bold lines for our community’s future, we must untangle the web of lines from our past. We must hear the tapes. To destroy them tells our youth—at PHM and across the region—that we intend to turn a deaf ear to institutional racism. It proves we are more interested in pointing to the sawdust in one another’s eyes than removing the straight-line plank from our own, an hypocrisy that only allows racial violence and prejudice to persist.
When Marcus Edward Ellison filed paperwork to run for an at-large seat on the South Bend Community School Board, the Indiana Supreme Court had already suspended his law license. His license had been suspended for six years. Ellison won the seat on November 5, 2024, with 13,448 votes, taking the second of two at-large seats in a six-candidate field. His license is still suspended today.
Marcus Ellison’s Official Photo
That fact appears nowhere on the website his campaign committee paid for. Ellison’s website told voters that he graduated from John Adams High School in 1994, that he is committed to “collaborating with board members to encourage positive change,” and that he was running because of his passion for education.
It did not disclose that on December 20, 2017, the Indiana Supreme Court issued a per curiam opinion finding that Ellison had committed attorney misconduct by neglecting a client’s appeal and “thereafter engaging in a pattern of dishonesty in an effort to cover up his neglect.” His website did not share that on August 8, 2018, the same Court found him in contempt for practicing law during that suspension, fined him $750, and extended the suspension to a minimum of one year without automatic reinstatement.
The Indiana Roll of Attorneys lists his current status under attorney number 22950-71 as “Suspended.”
Screenshot of Ellison’s suspension
Here is the record the Supreme Court detailed about how Ellison conducted himself when he had a client depending on him:
In 2015, a woman who had once been convicted of a felony and had since had that conviction reduced to a Class A misdemeanor came to a pro bono expungement clinic at Ivy Tech Community College. Ellison was the Program Chair for Paralegal Studies and supervised the clinic, which was called the Second Chance Justice Clinic. Non-lawyers in the program helped her file a pro se petition. An Elkhart County trial court denied that petition in August 2015 as premature. The judge said from the bench that an appellate court might read the statute differently.
Ellison agreed to handle the appeal for a $200 contribution to the Second Chance program. Ellison had never handled an appeal before.
He filed a notice of appeal in September 2015. The appellant’s brief was due that December. Ellison did not file it.
When the client emailed him in January 2016 asking for a status update, Ellison wrote back that he was “just waiting for the attorney generals office to respond to the petition and brief.” There was no brief. When she emailed again later that month asking for a copy, he told her he would send it “over the weekend.” He did not.
In March 2016, she found the entry on the Court of Appeals website noting that her case was being transmitted for dismissal because no brief had been filed. Ellison mailed a motion to the Court asking permission to file the brief late, telling the Court he had prepared a brief that “was to be appended to transcript and notice of appeal but was apparently not attached.” The motion was defective for multiple reasons and was never accepted for filing. The Court of Appeals dismissed her case with prejudice on March 31, 2016.
She did not learn that from her lawyer. The Court’s opinion stated it plainly: “Respondent did not inform Client of the dismissal or take any steps to have the appeal reinstated.”
She filed a grievance with the Disciplinary Commission. During its investigation, Ellison gave the Commission multiple, conflicting explanations for why he had failed to file the brief. The Court found that at least two of those explanations were knowingly false. The opinion concluded that Ellison had violated seven Indiana Professional Conduct Rules, including knowingly making false statements to a tribunal and engaging in conduct involving dishonesty, fraud, deceit, or misrepresentation.
The suspension took effect on January 31, 2018. By April, the Disciplinary Commission was telling the Court that Ellison was practicing anyway. Three clients were named in that motion. There were more.
Tim Corbett, a private investigator, interviewed the former client whose grievance had triggered Ellison’s first suspension. The interview was recorded with her permission in April of 2026. Corbett told her that based on his research, Ellison had numerous open cases at the time of his suspension. The former client confirmed she never received a withdrawal letter from Ellison.
The Court’s discipline was the formal consequence. Ellison’s former client described what the case had meant in her own life.
The client could not get a job from 2008 until 2016. Eight years. The conviction Ellison had been paid to help clear remained on her record the entire time.
“I just literally would come home so depressed that up until 2016, March of 2016 had I not got a job I was ready to kill myself,” she told Corbett, “because I just couldn’t take the pressure anymore of not being able to contribute to my family.”
She used the words “kill myself.” She said the only thing that kept her from acting on it was the job that came through in March 2016.
Corbett asked her whether she thought Marcus Ellison should be sitting on the South Bend Community School Board.
“No,” she said.
“Do they not do background checks?” she asked. “Do they not look at his record?”
The board approves contracts. It accepts conflict of interest disclosures. It hires and fires the superintendent. It signs off on the district’s response to the State Board of Accounts audit that found $767,585 in questioned costs.
A man whose neglect helped push a client to the edge of taking her own life now decides those things for the children of South Bend.
In February 2025, three months after his swearing-in, the Mayor of South Bend appointed Ellison as the school board’s designee to the South Bend Redevelopment Commission. The campaign website that does not mention the Supreme Court’s opinions is still online. On August 8, 2025, Ellison contributed $200 from his own pocket to the Committee to Elect Marcus Ellison, and his committee paid $200 the same day to Daley Professional Web for “Website Maint.” That is the entirety of the committee’s 2025 activity. He is paying to keep the site up.
Holding a school board seat in Indiana does not require a law license. The statutes governing eligibility set residency, age, and electoral requirements. They do not require honesty or morality. They also do not bar the other school board members from asking Ellison to step down, or the Mayor from withdrawing Ellison’s appointment to South Bend’s Redevelopment Commission. Ellison’s four-year term expires in 2028.
“Where was that park where we had family reunions? It had a little beach.” This came in our sibling chat the other day.
“We went kayaking from there with your friends from New Mexico one time,” chimed in another brother.
“I don’t remember that,” the youngest brother chirped. “I didn’t go anywhere.” This classic lament from the fourth-born, who is so much younger that he barely existed for many of our stories. Still, despite being an “Irish twin,” he confidently claims—without proof—that he was the only planned child born among the five of us.
Recently, my brothers and I shared a text thread with some photos from family reunions at the St. Joseph County Ferrettie/Baugo Park. We remembered a small beach there that connected to the St. Joseph River. We also recalled other times kayaking from Baugo Park into the river and places beyond. However, when we looked for those spots on Google Earth, we could not find them; it seemed that Baugo Bay in Osceola was no more (note that you can still canoe and kayak from the park, but not in quite the same way, and less and less so all the time).
For over a century, Baugo Bay has been a vital ecological and recreational haven. Today, it is literally disappearing.
Decades of suspect drainage management and unchecked runoff from the Baugo Creek watershed have turned this thriving aquatic ecosystem into a cautionary tale of environmental neglect. As massive amounts of sediment and organic matter flow into the bay, thick layers build up on the floor, choking out the water’s depth. When that sediment reaches the surface, vegetation takes root, trees grow, and permanent islands form. Some of these problems are exacerbated by the aging and partially neglected dams nearby.
According to the local non-profit Save Baugo Bay, Inc., the Indiana Department of Natural Resources (DNR) prohibits the removal of these islands once they are established. “We cannot undo the land mass that has already formed; we can only fight to save what remains,” says board member Jacob Jenkins.
This isn’t just an issue for local boaters losing navigable water—it is an environmental emergency. The formation of these unnatural islands creates artificial barriers that drastically slow down water circulation.
During warm Indiana summers, this stagnant water creates a perfect storm for thick, suffocating mats of invasive algae to blanket the surface. These algae mats do more than ruin a view; they block vital sunlight from reaching native underwater vegetation and rapidly deplete dissolved oxygen levels. The result is a degraded habitat where fish and diverse aquatic life are quite literally suffocated. This environment is also a breeding ground for greater numbers of mosquitoes and other pests than are ecologically and historically normative. This once deep, clean, flowing riverine habitat is transitioning into a choked, stagnant wetland zone.
The path forward requires both local action and systemic advocacy. A comprehensive Sediment Removal Plan prepared by Everclear Aquatic Management was submitted to the Indiana DNR earlier this year, outlining a multi-phase dredging project to remove roughly 94,000 cubic yards of sediment and restore critical shoreline flow.
According to board members from Save Baugo Bay, Inc., dredging is only a temporary fix if we don’t address the troubles that are literally taking root in the Bay.
True conservation requires us to be vigilant activists. As a community, we must pressure private entities and utilities to keep their promises and push state and county authorities to fix the broken regional drainage systems upstream.
Baugo Bay is a regional treasure, a haven for local wildlife, and a critical component of our county’s watershed. We must act to restore its channels, halt the runaway accumulation of sediment, and protect this ecosystem before the bay is lost to the mud for good.
To learn more about the engineering plans, view historical aerial imagery of the island growth, or support the local matching grant efforts, visit save-baugo-bay.com and write savebaugobay@gmail.com to learn how you can get involved.
Amazon, AWS, in New Carlisle, recently received permission to drain 31.2 million gallons of water per day using the Niespodziany Ditch as a spillway.
We typically measure water in acre-feet. This measurement is the amount of water required to cover one acre of land to a depth of one foot. Thus, 31,200,000 gallons of water is roughly 96 acre-feet. A good calculator for this can be found here from Western-Water.com.
To put that in perspective, if the upper bowl at Notre Dame Stadium is 137 feet above the ground and the circumference is a bit more than ½ mile, and accounting for the sloped walls, the bowl itself, if watertight, would hold about 12 million cubic feet of water or about 275 acre-feet of water. This means that every three days, you could overfill Notre Dame’s football stadium with water.
More significantly, think of the beloved Diamond Lake in nearby Cassopolis, Michigan. This lake contains roughly 17,133 acre-feet of water in an average year. This would be approximately 5.6 billion gallons. If Amazon is pumping 31,200,000 gallons of water per day, that is 11,388,000,000 (more than 11 billion) gallons of water per year, meaning the lake could be drained more than twice annually in terms of water usage and still not equal the amount of water being pumped away from the AWS plant in New Carlisle.
Sometimes large numbers are hard to consider, and while these two extreme examples are meant to help us understand the amount of water we’re discussing in terms of pumping in our county and region, the amount can also be quantified in other ways.
The city of South Bend (and its surrounding areas) uses only 11.3 million gallons of drinking water per day. The amount of water pumped away from the AWS plant this year would, if treated, be enough to supply the South Bend area for more than 2.5 years.
What will all of this pumping of water in the region do to aquifers, inland lakes, and individual wells? We don’t know. In the rush to garner contracts, appropriate studies never occurred. Anyone who says otherwise is lying, because if the studies were done, Amazon would have known that its project was on the second-largest marshland in the United States, the Kankakee. These wetlands are second in size in the United States, only to the Florida Everglades. If this water abatement was not part of the original understanding of the project for construction purposes, then we are left only to imagine what environmental problems and long-term impacts were also left unstudied.
Placing a dollar value on water is a tricky endeavor, but our cities do it all of the time. However, agricultural water in our region costs about $50-$100 per acre-foot, so this pumped water has a value of about $2 million per year, should Hoosiers want to use it for these purposes. Surprisingly, Amazon is not trying to spin the story as a corporate entity; they are freeing the water and making it available to farmers for free, although the battle isn’t yet over, and this kind of political spin could yet still come.
The AWS plant, located almost directly on the North-South Continental Divide, is also gravely concerning. Pumping water on a divide has already shown deleterious effects elsewhere in the United States and around the planet.
Citizens still have avenues for redress in these issues. In Festus, Missouri, last month, citizens ousted four incumbent council members who supported a data center and were seeking reelection. In suburban Milwaukee, citizens of Port Washington, Wisconsin, passed a referendum restricting future data center projects. Additionally, as citizens, for the moment, we control the roads, the power supply, and more for these regions, and we still have time to act as regulators of these data centers, but the action must come quickly and not be done through ‘agreements’ but through legal contracts. Our nation has an immediate and urgent need for forward-thinking legal arrangements with Amazon and others building data centers before they garner even more economic and political support.
Any political malfeasance you suspect from either party in Washington, D.C., is not the story. The story is right here in New Carlisle, Indiana, as well as in other areas, where we are being pressured into hurried growth for data centers that provide very little economic growth in the regions but could take the ultimate toll on our environment and thus our true livelihoods.
The author wishes to thank Professors Mark Fiege, Janet Ore, and Dan Tyler, all formerly of Colorado State University, for teaching him about the value of water and how to think of it as an important shared resource. The author also wishes to acknowledge and thank the Handy Ditch and Irrigation Company (Weld and Larimer Counties) for allowing him to study and work alongside them in the late 1990s to understand the role of irrigation and the diverse perspectives on water use. Without the lessons from those professors and the Handy Ditch company, his understanding and thinking about water and community would be very different.
In June of 2020, South Bend voters approved an eight-year property tax referendum authorizing the South Bend Community School Corporation to collect $166.4 million in operating funds. The ballot resolution listed four approved purposes. Curriculum maintenance and expansion. Career pathways. Teacher compensation. Counselors and social workers.
Karen White
Karen White, Official Photo
Karen White, an at-large member of the South Bend Common Council and a former school board president, served as co-chair of the campaign that asked voters to approve the referendum. White also co-authored a South Bend Tribune Viewpoint making the case for the ballot measure. She appeared in the campaign videos. Her photograph went up on the campaign website under the heading “Why We’re Voting Yes.”
The voters trusted her. The referendum passed. Five years later, the Indiana State Board of Accounts filed its 65-page Supplemental Compliance Report on the district’s 2022-2023 fiscal year. The auditors identified $767,585 in questioned costs across the district’s spending. They named a sitting member of the school board and a paid school district intern in two conflict-of-interest findings that, by the audit’s own description, fit the elements of an Indiana felony statute. They forwarded the file to the Indiana Attorney General and the St. Joseph County Prosecutor’s office.
On April 27, 2022, two years after the referendum passed, the school district paid Karen White $25,000. The check was made out to her personally, not to Reaching Higher Grounds, the Indiana nonprofit she serves as registered agent. The agreement that authorized the payment was a one-page general statement signed by Kareemah Fowler, the then assistant superintendent of business and finance. The State Board of Accounts, in its findings, noted that it “is not aware of any policy authorizing Fowler, as the Assistant Superintendent of Schools, to negotiate and enter into contracts or purchase services for the School Board.” The school board never approved the payment.
A year later, on April 6, 2023, the school district paid White another $25,000. Same one-page document. The date had been written in by hand. The school board approved the docket containing the claim only after the check had cleared the bank.
Reaching Higher Grounds is incorporated as an Indiana nonprofit. The state expects payment for services to a nonprofit to go to the nonprofit. Both checks went to White personally.
I reported in January, based on records we received from our SBCSC FOIA request, that the district paid White or Reaching Higher Grounds $99,020 between July 2018 and May 2024. The district has confirmed in writing, through a public records determination letter dated January 8, 2026, that no contracts can be located for any of the payments to White.
Lynn Coleman
Lynn Coleman (LTIA Website)
Lynn Coleman is the founder of an organization called Let’s Turn It Around. He appeared on the 2020 Vote Yes campaign website alongside White, under the same heading. He also published a South Bend Tribune Viewpoint making his case for the referendum.
The school district paid Let’s Turn It Around $14,000 in federal pandemic relief funds across two installments. Eight thousand dollars in September 2022. Six thousand dollars on April 6, 2023, the same day one of White’s $25,000 checks cleared. The auditors found no documented evidence that the original Memorandum of Understanding had been reviewed or approved by the superintendent of schools, as the district’s contract policy required.
Gladys Muhammad
Gladys Muhammad, City of South Bend
Gladys Muhammad has been a fixture of South Bend Democratic politics for decades. She was also the secretary of the St. Joseph County Democratic Party. The City of South Bend’s Department of Community Investment has retained her as an independent contractor in 2022, 2023, 2024, 2025, and 2026 each contract authorizing payments of up to $60,000 a year for community engagement and outreach. Across those five years, the city authorized cumulative payments of up to $300,000.
The school district also paid Muhammad $12,000 on July 8, 2022. The accounting system recorded the payment as “Consult/Cares/GFP/Henry.” The auditors identified it as one of six questionable payments totaling $210,445 issued before the school board had approved the underlying claims. The district paid Muhammad earlier amounts as well. Thirteen thousand dollars and ten thousand dollars on February 2, 2021. Three thousand dollars on March 4, 2021. The district was unable to produce supporting invoices.
Brown Intermediate
The school district decided in 2023 to convert Brown Intermediate School, which had been closed in 2018, into the corporation’s new administrative offices. At the May 15, 2023 board meeting, the project budget was communicated as $2.8 million, with soft costs projected to take the total up to $3.5 million. According to a financial analysis the district’s finance team presented to the board in June of 2025, the renovation ultimately cost approximately $7.5 million, with general maintenance costs bringing the total to $8.4 million. The analysis identified the project as approximately $4.7 million over budget.
Chekesha Donaldson/Alignment Ventures
Chekesha Donaldson, LinkedIN
Painting at Brown Intermediate began on January 10, 2023. There was no contract for the work. There was no bid. The school district could not produce a record of who was on the job. Forty-five days later, on February 24, 2023, a limited liability company called Alignment Ventures filed Articles of Organization with the Indiana Secretary of State. The Articles list one person, Chekesha Donaldson, as the sole governing person. The principal office is a P.O. Box. The contact email is a Gmail address. Donaldson, at the time, was three weeks into a paid office internship at the school district. Her LinkedIn profile lists a two-decade career in administrative and clerical work. Permit secretary for the City of South Bend’s Building Department for nearly nine years. Medical receptionist. Customer service representative at Liberty Mutual Insurance. Administrative assistant at the South Bend Community School Corporation from 2018 to 2020. Her listed work history does not include painting, construction, or facilities work.
The school district paid Alignment Ventures $271,568 across twenty checks while Donaldson was an employee. By September 2024, the cumulative total had reached $506,534. The district could produce no contract for any of the payments, no bid form, no financial statements, no bid bond, no performance bond, no non-collusion affidavit, and no vendor evaluation. The auditors found invoices dated before the corresponding purchase orders had been entered into the district’s accounting system. For Alignment Ventures specifically, six checks were processed by the bank before the dates printed on the checks.Three of the company’s invoices carried service completion dates from before the LLC legally existed.
Donaldson did not file a conflict-of-interest disclosure with the State Board of Accounts or the Clerk of the St. Joseph County Circuit Court, as Indiana law requires from a public servant who has a financial interest in a contract with the entity that employs her. Indiana law makes that conduct a Level 6 felony.
Two other contractors were paid for work on the Brown renovation without contracts, bids, or vendor evaluations. Coach Ready Mix received $74,778 to remove lockers, whiteboards, shelving, and other debris. M. Haywood received $40,260 for mobilization services moving items from the existing administration building to Brown.
Leslie Wesley
Leslie Wesley, Campaign Photo
The audit’s second conflict-of-interest finding involves Leslie Wesley. Wesley served on the school board from 2017 through 2024. She is also the incorporator and chief executive officer of a nonprofit called the Indiana Parenting Institute of St. Joseph County. The school district paid the institute $1,177,903 over the school years that overlapped with her tenure on the board, in payments tied to two grant-funded programs called Pathways 2 Success and Gear Up South Bend. Wesley filed conflict-of-interest disclosures with the school board itself in 2021, 2022, and 2023. She did not file the annual disclosures Indiana law requires with the State Board of Accounts or with the Clerk of the Circuit Court for St. Joseph County for any of the four years between 2021 and 2024.
Credit Cards & Miscellaneous Spending
The school district spent $635,171 on credit card transactions during the audit period. The auditors tested $248,979 of that. Seventy-two percent of the transactions reviewed lacked sufficient supporting documentation. The district could not produce a credit card log because it had not kept one. Cards were retained continuously by select administrators in violation of the district’s own P-Card agreement, which required cards to be signed out per transaction. The school board approved monthly payments to the credit card issuer without reviewing the underlying charges.
The charges included $55,206 in unsupported lodging, $10,887 in airfare with seat upgrades and excess baggage, a $1,200 luxury ride that included a $200 tip, catered meals with no record of who ate them, a $2,635 catering bill at a DoubleTree charged to the Operation fund, and a $220 floral order charged to the Education fund.
Milton Lee
Milton Lee, LinkedIN
On July 27, 2022, Milton Lee, the district’s director of communications and athletics, who is also married to SBCSC board member Kate Lee, used a school credit card to buy a $100 cash bar charge, three mixed drinks, and eleven import or craft beers. He charged it to ESSER III, the federal pandemic relief program. Federal regulations governing ESSER funds prohibit alcohol purchases. District Policy 6550 prohibits the purchase of alcohol with public funds.
Conference Spending
Conferences accounted for the rest. Twenty-two employees attended the Building Expertise Educators Conference at Walt Disney Resort in June 2023. The district spent $27,896.85. There were no travel requisitions on file. One employee’s airfare was paid before her registration was confirmed. Fifteen of twenty-two staff stays had no room receipts. Twelve employees attended the Innovative School Summit at Caesars Palace in July 2022. The auditors found $615.33 in unjustified room upgrades and early check-in. Four employees attended an Art School Network Conference at the Golden Nugget in October 2022. The district paid $3,143.45. There were no travel requisitions, one attendee booked a different airline at extra cost, and the only conference materials the auditors could find was a Golden Nugget promotional flyer.
The district could not produce contracts for six of nine administrators reviewed. None of fourteen hourly employees tested had a time sheet on file. One was paid for seventy-five hours that did not appear on the supervisor’s attendance report. The federal grant schedule understated the school breakfast program by $2,979,484 and the school lunch program by $7,948,337. A $2,390,000 bond series was not reported. A $3,155,000 bond series was reported twice. The payroll account was not reconciled in June of 2023 and remained unreconciled for over two years until July 2025. A separate bank account for electronic vendor payments had never been reconciled in the district’s history.
The ballot resolution voters approved in June 2020 listed four purposes for the operating referendum. Curriculum. Career pathways. Teacher compensation. Counselors and social workers. The South Bend Tribune Viewpoint White co-authored urged voters to support reading specialists, college counselors, social workers in every school, increased teacher pay, and subject-certified teachers. That was the pitch.
The audit shows what the district spent some of the money on. County ditch fees, including a delinquent tax and a delinquent penalty. A Chevrolet Equinox substituted for a service plow truck after backorder delays. Custodial services. Vehicle repairs. Utilities. Staff parking fees. Bottled water for teacher lounges. Payroll for a building and grounds employee. None of those items appear on the ballot resolution voters approved.
SBCSC’s Response
The district’s chief financial officer, Ahnaf Tahmid, defends the practice in his official response to the audit. He notes that 86 percent of the district’s roughly 1,000 teachers are paid from the Education Fund, that the referendum fund is capped at $30 million annually, and that the operating referendum fund therefore “provided the strategic flexibility to cover operational costs beyond our General Operations Fund.” He cites Indiana Code 20-40-3-5, which permits the fund to be used for “any lawful school expenses.”
He may be right that the law allows it, but the voters who passed the referendum were not told the money was for any lawful school expense. They were told it was for teachers and counselors.
Tahmid took the chief financial officer job after most of this happened. He inherited bank reconciliations years behind, an Empowerment Zone fund $9.7 million in deficit, a credit card program with more than fifteen cards, and a Brown renovation that ran approximately $4.7 million over its $2.8 million budget. By his own account, he has been cleaning the mess up. Cards reduced from fifteen to two. Reconciliations brought current. Capital assets inventoried. The audit does not contradict him. That is what an administration is supposed to do when it inherits a mess.
But cleaning up the mess doesn’t excuse the mess. A school district that promised voters teacher raises and student counselors paid for ditch fees and parking out of the same bucket. A school district that wrote policies requiring board approval of every contract paid a sitting city councilwoman $99,020 over six years and couldn’t produce a contract for any of it. A school district that adopted Indiana’s public works bidding statutes paid half a million dollars in painting work to a company that did not legally exist when the brushes hit the wall. A school district that wrote a credit card policy ran the program with no log, no documentation, no review, and allowed alcohol to be purchased with federal pandemic relief money.
2020’s Vote Yes Campaign
The 2020 Vote Yes campaign was carried by South Bend’s Democratic establishment. Former mayor Pete Buttigieg appeared in the campaign videos. Sitting mayor James Mueller appeared in the campaign videos. Common Council members Karen White at-large, Rachel Tomas Morgan at-large, Sheila Niezgodski of the 6th District, Troy Warner of the 4th District, Sharon McBride of the 3rd District, and Canneth Lee of the 1st District appeared in the campaign videos urging support. Then-superintendent Todd Cummings and then-assistant superintendent of business and finance Kareemah Fowler appeared in the campaign videos reading from the same script that promised reading specialists, college counselors, and increased teacher pay. Milton Lee, who purchased alcohol with federal relief funds, also appeared in the campaign videos.
Stephanie Ball appeared in the campaign videos as the fourth-district representative on the South Bend school board, walking voters through how to request and complete their absentee ballots. Her campaign biography lists that she worked for Karen White. Ball is currently running for St. Joseph County Clerk of the Circuit Court on the Democratic ticket. The Clerk of the Circuit Court is the office where, under Indiana Code, the conflict-of-interest disclosures the audit found Wesley and Donaldson never filed should have been filed.
Voters get to decide whether someone who advocated for this institution, and who campaigned for the figure the audit traces $99,020 to, is the right person to keep its records going forward.
South Bend voters are five years into an eight-year property tax increase. They have three years left.
Amy Drake’s newsletter hit my inbox at 8:14 Sunday morning.
My wife threw on some coffee. I sat down at the kitchen table. I read it.
It was about me. All four pages about me. Two days before the Republican primary, the sitting councilwoman from Clay Township sent her last message to her voters and the message was that I am a paid weapon of the St. Joseph County Republican Party.
The coffee was on the table. I read it again. Then I went to review the things she said.
She said I scrubbed articles off my own website to hide work I did for the GOP. She listed them out. Article, removed. Article, removed.
I opened my laptop. I typed in the address of my own website. The homepage came up.
There is a notice across the top of the page. “Please note: Redress South Bend recently migrated its website platform. As a result, some previously published news and opinion articles may be temporarily unavailable. Efforts are underway to recover and republish this content.”
The notice has been there for weeks. Drake had to load our website to compile her column. She wrote four pages accusing me of destroying evidence and never mentioned the notice on the front of my website.
Drake’s column then claimed my mailer was a hit piece. I stopped reading. I went and got it.
The Redress newspaper was on our counter. Volume 1, Number 1. April 2026. Tabloid size, folded twice, weight just over an ounce.
I held it up at the kitchen table. It has a masthead and page numbers. There is an “About Redress South Bend” box on the back, ad inquiry boxes with my email address, and QR codes to register subscriptions.
The lead story is about thirteen thousand dollars in extra compensation paid to County Council attorney Jamie O’Brien. O’Brien is the candidate Drake is fundraising for in the same column where she is calling my newspaper a party hit piece.
A party operation does not lead its mailer with an investigation of one of its own candidates. A party mailer carries a paid-for-by line. The newspaper does not have one because it is a newspaper.
Drake looked at it and saw a conspiracy.
The phone buzzed. I received a text. “How are you feeling about Amy Drake’s latest conspiracy?”
By 9:30 I had read the column three times. The coffee was cold.
I went back to the laptop.
Drake had put the words “monthly memberships and one-time donations” in quotation marks. She made it sound like a line I had cooked up to fool people, then asked her readers to wonder who was really cutting the checks. She suggested it was party leadership.
I clicked the menu bar on my own website. I clicked “Support Redress South Bend.” The page came up.
Three tiers. Ten dollars a month. Twenty. Thirty. Plus one-time donations of any amount. The labels on the page are the words Drake put in quotation marks.
She had quoted my own donation page back at me and called it a slush fund.
Then I read the part where Drake said I had mysteriously moved into her district to run for state delegate. I read it twice. I went back two paragraphs.
In the same column, two paragraphs earlier, Drake had written that she was kicked off the ballot for state delegate by a corrupt ex-judge.
She accused me of moving into her district to run against her in a delegate race. Then she told her readers, in her own words, that she was not in the delegate race.
A delegate is not a council seat. You can run from anywhere you live. I am on the ballot because I chose to be. Point blank. I believed running for delegate would further our journalism. I want to document the process from the inside, the precinct caucus, the convention, the rules, the rooms most reporters never see.
Drake’s list of enemies, by the end of the column, includes a former judge she calls corrupt, a political consultant, two news websites, a blogger she compares to a hit man, and me. All of us, she says, out to get her.
This is the message Amy Drake sent to Clay Township two days before the primary. Not her record. Not her votes. Not her constituents.